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Entire Chapter One (Suitable for Printing)

It was in the midst of such tensions and official hesitations that the water buffalo case developed. In March 1993, just after the charges against Pavlik had to be dropped, Hackney wrote a lengthy piece for the University's official Almanac, explaining that Penn was paying a fearsome price for the fact that "the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s never completed its task." He described a meeting in January 1993 with "a group of Penn faculty and staff of color." He was shocked, he wrote, because he had learned that "students, faculty, and staff members of the University community still feel frustrated and oppressed by what they experience as a hostile environment, where demeaning incidents continue to occur--in our classrooms by faculty, on our campus by public safety officers, and in our residences by fellow students." He did not specify the incidents--despite requests--but by "in our residences," they certainly appeared to include the Onyx Society episode discussed by Pavlik and the Jacobowitz case. Hackney explained what he had ordered his administration to do:

This is the time to tell all members of our community again, but this time in a way that must be heard, that we will not tolerate acts that demean students, faculty, and staff--not in the classroom, not in support offices, not on the campus, and not in our residences. We will find means to ensure that such acts have important consequences....Those who believe they can, with impunity, damage important members of our community have no place.27

Hackney's letter appeared on March 18. Four days later, Read charged Eden Jacobowitz with racial harassment. With Pavlik off the hook, Eden was now the only trophy fish.

*****

Neither Eden nor Kors knew how to bring the water buffalo case to public attention, but on April 15, Hackney did that himself. On that day, when Pavlik's final column was going to appear (his topic was the lack of substantive debate at Penn), a group of black students "confiscated" the DP's full press run, fourteen thousand copies, from campus distribution points. When DP distributors and staff who tried to prevent the confiscation were threatened and reviled with racial epithets, they complained to Robin Read, who did not pursue any case of violence, threat, or abuse, let alone of racial harassment, by blacks against the DP staff.28 The national media, however, always notice the unpunished silencing of the press, and they asked the University if and when charges might be brought against the individuals responsible for suppressing the DP. Penn responded that these would come in due time. In fact, however, not one of the students charged with the theft was punished. Indeed, the only person penalized was a University Museum officer who had attempted to stop individuals from running, a trash bag in hand, from a security-conscious museum. He was suspended from his job for overreaction and for a failure to intuit a larger, "political" protest.29

The Penn administration's equivocal response to the DP theft caught the national eye. Associate Vice-Provost Moneta, on April 16, explained that "both the behavior and the grounds for the behavior are among the most serious issues the University can face."30 [emphasis added] Hackney issued a statement on the confiscation, reaffirming the right of the DP to express its views, but noting that the theft had been "precipitated by the pain and anger that many members of the minority community have felt in response to the DP's exercise of its First Amendment rights to freedom of the press." In Hackney's assessment: "This is an instance in which two groups important to the University community, valued members of Penn's minority community and students exercising their rights to freedom of expression, and two important University values, diversity and open expression, seem to be in conflict." By the conclusion of his statement, Hackney had dropped the word "seem": "As I indicated above, two important University values now stand in conflict...the First Amendment right of an independent publication...[and] a comfortable and permanent minority presence in a diverse and civil University community."31 By comparison, Hackney's sense of "conflict" had been quite different on the day after the attempted assassination of President Reagan in 1981, when a left-wing DP editorial columnist, Dominic Manno, wrote: "Too bad he missed...I hope [ Reagan] dies." As the Secret Service descended upon Penn and the media focused on the editorial column, Hackney issued a statement to the press on Thursday, April 2. He noted, unambiguously, that freedom of expression at Penn was categorical: "He has a right in our society, and especially on a university campus, to speak his mind, no matter how abhorrent his ideas."32

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9/19/98